İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi

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Gender in Political Sex Scandals in Contemporary Turkey: Women's Agency and the Public Sphere
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2015) Cindoglu, Dilek; Unal, Didem; 0000-0002-2741-9181; AGÜ; Cindoglu, Dilek
Sex scandals in politics lead to intense public debates about fundamental issues, such as morality, publicity, and privacy, rendering gender inequalities more visible than ever. This article aims to reveal the complex gendered dynamics of the political culture by looking at sex scandals in contemporary Turkey. The ways in which these scandals have been narrated, negotiated, and resolved among the public and political actors provide grounds for analysis about the nature of patriarchal dynamics regarding women's agency and public credibility communicated through their sexuality in contemporary Turkey.
Gender and sexuality in the authoritarian discursive strategies of 'New Turkey'
(SAGE PUBLICATIONS LTD1 OLIVERS YARD, 55 CITY ROAD, LONDON EC1Y 1SP, ENGLAND, 2017) Cindoglu, Dilek; Unal, Didem; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Psikoloji Bölümü
In the last decade, discourse on sexuality has proliferated more than ever in the political realm in Turkey. The discursive utilization of women's bodies and sexualities has appeared as the main tool to consolidate a conservative gender regime and the heterosexual family with children is promoted as the basic unit to reinforce hegemonic moral values and norms. This article aims to disentangle the intricate patchwork in the Justice and Development Party's (JDP) gender politics, which is geared towards ensuring pervasive control of women's bodies and sexualities. Within this framework, this article investigates the proliferation of the discourse on women's bodies and sexualities in Turkish politics by delving into the constitutive factors of the JDP's hegemonic gender politics and examining the narrative lines in recent public debates on women's sexualities.
Women's Tertiary Education Masks the Gender Wage Gap in Turkey
(SPRINGERONE NEW YORK PLAZA, SUITE 4600 , NEW YORK, NY 10004, UNITED STATES, 2017) Tekguc, Hasan; Eryar, Deger; Cindoglu, Dilek; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Psikoloji Bölümü; Cindoglu, Dilek
This paper investigates the gender wage gap for full-time formal sector employees, disaggregated by education level. The gap between the labor force participation rate of women with tertiary education and those with lower levels of education is substantial. There is no such gap for men. Hence, existing gender wage gap studies for Turkey, where we observe lopsided labor force participation rates by education levels, compare two very different populations. We disaggregate the whole sample by education level to create more homogenous sub-groups. For Turkey, without disaggregation, the gender wage gap was 13% in 2011, and women are significantly over-qualified relative to men on observed characteristics. Once we disaggregate the sample by education level, we show that the gender wage gap is 24% for less educated women and 9% for women with tertiary education in full-time formal employment. Observed characteristics only explain 1 % of this gap in absolute terms. We further disaggregate the data by public and private employment. The gender gap is higher in the private sector. However, women with tertiary education in the public sector are significantly better qualified compared to men, and consequently the adjusted gender wage gap is higher for women with tertiary education in the public sector. Our estimates also indicate a rise in the gender wage gap between 2004 and 2011.
A participatory generation? The generational and social class bases of political activism in Turkey
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2017) Inan, Murat; Grasso, Maria T.; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü;
This research aims to understand the extent to which generation and social class determine Turkish respondents' level of political activism. It tests both the macroeconomic socialization effect and the social class effect on political activism as hypothesized by Inglehart and Lipset, respectively. It also strives to understand whether a macropolitical period effect may also some generational implications for political activism. Beyond these examinations, it also raises a challenge to Lipset's working-class authoritarianism thesis - within the particular area of political activism - for those generations which came of age under an authoritarian politico-juridical order as well as for those which did not.
Beyond Illegality: The Gendered (In-)Securities of Illegal Armenian Care Workers in Turkey
(Ankara Üniversitesi KASAUM, 2018) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
In the migration literature, there has been a shift of interest from studying exclusionary policies ofstates that result in the criminalization of ‘illegal’ migrants towards more subtle forms of incorporation.In this paper, I will examine such as migration regime imposed upon illegal Armenian migrant careworkers, which is characterized by the conditional acceptance of illegality rather than by strictpunishments and deportation. Within this context, Armenian migrant care workers are caught in a legallimbo of belonging and non-belonging. The paper argues that the terms of belonging and nonbelongingare traversable normative-legal categories negotiated by everyday actors in a way that oftencrisscross gender and class hierarchies. Migrant women could become more acceptable if they complywith certain gendered expectations and norms of work while at the same time could easily becomedeportable. At the same time, this article demonstrates that this legal limbo increases the genderedvulnerabilities and labour precarity in women’s everyday lives.
ON THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE RISE AND DEMISE OF THE THIRD WORLDISM
(Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2018) Balkılıç, Özgür; 0000-0002-0309-583X; AGÜ; Balkılıç, Özgür
After 1945, Western countries witnessed the awakening of the Third World.People of underdeveloped countries, who had been subjected to domination bydeveloped Western countries, showed an interest towards a project of the ThirdWorld; the underlying motto of which was shaped by disarmament, peace, andsocial and economic justice. This project aimed to embody a radical break fromthe economic, political, social, and cultural paths which were devised in the Westand then imposed on the rest of the world. This paper will analyze thehistoriography of this project. In this context, this paper will approach suchliterature from the lenses of social movements that emerged in the Third World,of nation states and of international relations. Through social movements, it willfirstly focus on the people’s struggles in the different regions of the so-calledThird World. Secondly, the paper will analyze academic works whose mainsubject is the anti-imperialist struggles of different nationalist governments. Andlastly, it will criticise scholarly works on the Non-Alignment Movement, which pursued an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist political agenda at theinternational level.
FEMINIST ETHICS OF CARE AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR SOME NORMATIVE QUESTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
(Işıl BAYAR BRAVO/Hamdi BRAVO, 2018) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
This article reviews some of the contributions that the feminist ethics of care framework has made to the study of ethics. Although ethics of care framework has raised a successful critique of the masculunist bias inhering within the prominent Western moral theories, some feminist scholars have maintained a critical attitude towards care ethics because of its tendency to essentialize emotions of feminine caring. In reviewing these different feminist approaches to the study of ethics, the article argues that in thinking about the questions of war and justice in international realm, both care ethicists and its critique could be utilized for a more fruitful understanding of the ethical dimensions of our actions.
TÜRKİYE GÖÇ VE MÜLTECİ POLİTİKASININ DIŞ POLİTİKA EKSENİNDE DEĞERLENDİRİLMESİ: 2000-2017
(Rasim Özgür Dönmez, 2019) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
Makalenin amacı, 2000-2017 yılları arasında Türkiye’nindeğişen göç ve mülteci politikasını dış politikanın birizdüşümü olarak değerlendirmektir. Makalenin argümanı,Türkiye’nin göç ve mülteci politikası 2000-2011 tarihleriarasında Avrupa Birliği (AB)’ne üyelik modeline çerçevesindedönüştüğü iken, 2011-2017 arası göç politikası/söylemindekidönüşümüm temel hedefi Avrupa ve Ortadoğu’da siyasimanevra alanını genişletmek olmuştur. Buna ilaveten, budönemde Türkiye’nin dış politikada yaşadığı süreciAvrupalılaşma (Europeanization) ve Avrupa’dan uzaklaşma(de-Europeanization) olarak değerlendirir. Avrupalılaşmaolarak tanımlanabilecek, 2000-2011’i kapsayan dönemdeTürkiye, AB’nin ‘güvenlikçi’ sınır politikalarına bazen adapteolmuş, bazen ise AB’nin eleştirilerine rağmen ‘esnek’ göçpolitikasına devam etmiştir. Buradaki siyasi sürecin dinamiği,Türkiye’nin AB üyeliğine inancı doğrultusunda şekillenmiştir.2011 yılından itibaren ise, Avrupa’dan uzaklaşma dediğimizsürece girilmiş ve Ahmet Davutoğlu’nun Ortadoğu’da hamilikiddiası ve AB ile bozulan ilişkiler çerçevesinde göç politikası farklılaşmıştır. Sonuç olarak, AB üyeliği girişimleri, ikiliilişkilerdeki gerilimler yüzünden sekteye uğramış ve reformlaraskıya alınmıştır. Suriye göçmen krizi ise, uluslararasısiyasetteki dengeleri değiştirerek, AB’yi Türkiye ile yenidenişbirliği kurmaya mecbur bırakmıştır.
TWO DIMENSIONS OF INTERPERSONAL TOLERANCE: THEIR PREVALENCE AND ETIOLOGY IN WORLD CIVILIZATIONS
(Rasim Özgür Dönmez, 2019) İnan, Murat; 0000-0001-7554-6217; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; İnan, Murat
This research provides three additional insights into the concept of tolerance. First, it provides empirical insights to the previous research, distinguishing between two dimensions of tolerance; political tolerance and social tolerance. Second, it investigates the extent these two dimensions of tolerance prevail in different civilizations in the world. Third, it shows how etiology of tolerance differs across civilizations. In short, this research shows that tolerance of national and religious groups differs from tolerance of social groups in both kind and degree and investigates to what extent the prevalence and etiology of these two dimensions of tolerance differ across civilizations. In this research time series evidence from subsequent rounds of the World Values Survey (WVS) for over seventy countries are analysed using Ordered Probit models.
Intersectional power dynamics and extended households: Elderly and widowed women's international migration from Armenia
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2019) Lloyd, Fatma Armagan Teke; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
Drawing upon interviews and fieldwork conducted in Armenia and Turkey with 25 Armenian migrant women and their non-accompanying family members, the present article examines how gendered norms intersecting with age, marital and motherhood statuses have structured the migration decision-making process as it occurs at the household level. These migrant women were mostly elderly, widowed and from extended households, where male income support to the family was either insufficient or wholly absent for a variety of reasons. Building on the Household Survival Strategies (HSS) approach, this article examines the dynamism and complex kinship norms in extended-households and how these have led some women to assume the role of migrant labourers in a patriarchal context that would ordinarily deny them mobility. While empirically this study sheds light on women's migration from an understudied geography, it also deepens our understanding of the interplay between patriarchy, intersectionality and women's agency outside of the traditional nuclear household.
Dayım: Bir İnsanoğlunun Portresi
(TURKISH LIBRARIANS ASSOC, YENISEHIR, NECATIBEY CAD, ELGIN SOK, PO BOX 175, ANKARA, 06440, TURKEY, 2019) Donmez, Rasim Ozgur; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Donmez, Rasim Ozgur
This is a memoir written by his nephew about our colleague Ali Can, who passed away in last July.
AKP’NİN SURİYELİ GÖÇMEN SÖYLEMİNİ TÜRKİYE’NİN JEOPOLİTİK SENARYOSUYLA BİRLİKTE OKUMAK
(TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM Ulusal Akademik Ağ ve Bilgi Merkezi Cahit Arf Bilgi Merkezi, 2020) Özgür BALKILIÇ; Fatma Armağan TEKE LLOYD; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Psikoloji Bölümü
AKP Suriyeli mülteci krizi ile baş etmek için uzun bir süre boyunca açık kapı politikası uygulamasına karşın, 2011-2018 yılları arasında konu üzerine geliştirdiği söylemsel pratiği kafa karıştırıcıydı. Zira, bu söylemsel pratik uluslararası göçkuramları ve pratikleri örüntüsünü tam olarak takip etmiyordu. Aslında AKP için göçmen krizi,Batı’nın ahlaki ve lider lik sorunlarının geniş yansımasının bir ürünüydü. Suriye göçmen krizini uluslararası sistemin bir çöküşünün sonucu olarak okuyan Türkiye’nin dışpolitika pratiklerini temellendirdiği ve meşrulaştırdığıjeopolitik senaryosu AKP’nin görünürde kafa karıştırıcı söylemini kavramamız için bize analitik bir çerçeve sunabilir. Bu makale söz konusu söylemde iki temaya odaklanmaktadır. Birincisi, AKP Suriyeli göçmenleri tanımlarken resmi düzenlemelerde belirtilen herhangi bir statüden ziyade dini temelli bir “misafir” kavramına başvurmaktadır. İkincisi, AKP Suriyeli mülteci krizini, içerisinde Türkiye’ye bir liderlik rolü payesi biçecek şekilde, uluslararasısistemin daha geniş siyasi ve ahlaki bir krizinin bir sonucu olarak ele almaktadır.
Chasing Coffee: A New Research Agenda in Turkey
(SPRINGER, ONE NEW YORK PLAZA, SUITE 4600, NEW YORK, NY, UNITED STATES, 2020) Dincer, Evren M.; Ozcelik, Ayse; 0000-0002-7813-0919; 0000-0002-3596-1210; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
This article is a call for a new research agenda: a socio-economic analysis of coffee in Turkey. To contextualize the importance and relevance of this effort, it first provides a critical assessment of the literature on coffee in Turkey by focusing on its two main manifestations: historical and sociological constellations. We show how earlier critical engagement with coffee as a commodity and a research subject helped scholars revise and go beyond the existing scholarship. We then claim a similar transformative prospect exists for political-economic manifestations of coffee today. We justify our claim by suggesting six potential research areas with relevant research questions and potentially enriching outcomes.
Party-voter congruence in Turkish politics: the ivory tower argument tested
(Routledge, 2020) Inan M.; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
‘Ivory tower’ is frequently used phrase when Turkish executive politicians question the representativeness of other parties or their members. The intention of this claim is to provoke other parties into a discussion about the legitimacy of the targeted party. This research aims to shed a light on the problem of party-voter congruence in Turkish politics, which has important implications for the representativeness of Turkish political parties. Comparing the three major political parties in Turkey; the current study investigates to what extent these political parties’ manifesto documents, fail to connect with their constituencies’ policy positions on four prominent issues in Turkish politics: Left-right political positioning, democratic support, support for the military, and support for a controlled economy. Party level Manifesto Project data and aggregated individual level World Values Survey (WVS) data were combined for the analysis of this research and analysed by using a series of Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis. The findings suggest that the ivory tower claim is largely correct for all three political parties investigated. Finally, these findings also have important implications for the legitimacy of the Turkish democratic political system.
New Perspectives on Turkey roundtable on the COVID-19 pandemic : prospects for the international political economic order in the post-pandemic world
(CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS, EDINBURGH BLDG, SHAFTESBURY RD, CB2 8RU CAMBRIDGE, ENGLAND, 2020) Dincer, Evren M.; Pamuk, Sevket; Palat, Ravi Arvind; Keyder, Caglar; Gurkaynak, Refet; Bugra, Ayse; 0000-0002-7813-0919; 0000-0002-7796-2836; 0000-0003-4266-7463; 0000-0002-8842-2341; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
The pandemic triggered by the novel coronavirus has not only created a global public health emergency, it has also had widespread and deep consequences in social relations throughout the world. The COVID-19 pandemic forces social scientists to reflect on a range of issues from gender relations and science and technology to the international political and economic order and the environment. As the editors of New Perspectives on Turkey, we decided to assemble a virtual roundtable to reflect on the challenges it poses to the international political economic system. We invited professors Ayşe Bugra, Refet ˘ Gürkaynak, Çaglar Keyder, Ravi Arvind Palat, and ¸ ˘ Sevket Pamuk to share their views on these challenges and are grateful to them for contributing to this discussion.
The Nexus of Leadership, Political Empowerment, and Social Mobilization: The Case of the July 15 Coup Attempt in Turkey
(SETA FOUNDATION, RESIT GALIP CADDESI HEREKE SOKAK NO 10, GOP-CANKAYA, ANKARA, 06700, TURKEY, 2020) Donmez, Rasim Ozgur; Timur, Kasim; Lloyd, Fatma Armagan Teke; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
This study analyzes the mutually empowering relations between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his followers, and how Erdogan's charismatic leadership and image functioned to galvanize his followers on the night of July 15, 2016, when large numbers of them mobilized against the attempted coup. The article has three sections. The first is a theoretical discussion which sheds light on the concept and the underlying mechanisms of political empowerment and its effects on the relationships between leaders and followers. The second section evaluates Erdogan's characteristics and ruling style, which was instrumental in motivating resistance to the abortive coup. Finally, the third section analyzes the various means by which Erdogan was able to inspire the masses to mobilize against the armed junta through interviews and observations.
Editoryal: Grup Dinamikleri Bağlamında Çatışma Çözümü ve Barış İnşası
(Türk Psikoloji Dergisi, 2020) Çoymak, Ahmet; Uluğ, Özden Melis; Göregenli, Melek; Çakal, Hüseyin; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1816-6212; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Psikoloji Bölümü; Çoymak, Ahmet
Çatışmanın insanın doğası olduğuna yönelik teorilerin (örn. Berkowitz, 1990; Fiske, 2012) adeta toplumsal tezahürü gibi, geçtiğimiz yüzyıldan günümüze dünya birçok kanlı çatışmaya sahne oldu. Devam eden uluslararası kanlı savaşların yanı sıra, ortaya çıktığı 19. yüzyıldan bugüne farklılıkları bir milli kimlik potasında eritmeyi amaçlayan ulus devletlerde etnik, dini, mezhep ve cinsiyet grupları gibi farklı vatandaş grupları arasında; sonu, kimi zaman insanlığın en karanlık yüzünü gösteren soykırımlara varan çatışmalar yaşandı. Ancak bu acı deneyimlerin yanında insan ve farklı özellikleri olan gruplar, yine hem uzlaşı hem de barış süreçlerinden geçtiler. Bu nedenle, insanın kendi türüne karşı işlediği suçların (örn. Staub, 2001), biz ve öteki inşası ile yaşanan çatışmaların (Demirdağ ve Hasta, 2020; Fisher, 2006); bu deneyimlerin ortaya çıkardığı uzlaşı ve ortaklıkların psikolojik dinamiklerini, hem çok çeşitli ve zengin kuramsal perspektifler hem de ampirik bulgularla, gruplar arası ilişkilere odaklanarak anlamayı amaçladık.
Mincing Words: The Three Layers of the AKP's Narrative on Kurdish Politics
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2020) Celebi, Mehmet Celil; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
In 2009-2015, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) put forward several initiatives to end insurgency in Kurdish majority areas. However, successive "openings" failed to make progress. The electoral and international goals of the AKP gradually became incongruent with the peace process, and the AKP espoused heavy-handed tactics in July 2015. The ups and downs of the process in 2009-2015 show that it was already fragile. Some causes of this fragility were external to the AKP, such as the opposition parties' eagerness to use the process to poach nationalist voters and the PKK's violence. However, I argue that the contradictory nature of the AKP's narrative was also a crucial factor. The party's earlier narrative required the strict separation of two layers: security policies to fight terrorists and democratization policies to address the legitimate grievances of citizens. However, the intersubjective strategies that it experimented later required a gray area between these two fields. The AKP, instead of changing strategies, has constructed a three-layered, contradictory narrative.
Testing a Metacognitive Regulation Approach for Judgment of Satiation: Might Hunger and Fullness not be the Polar Opposites of the Same Dimension?
(TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM Ulusal Akademik Ağ ve Bilgi Merkezi Cahit Arf Bilgi Merkezi, 2020) Mehmet Akif GÜZEL; Duygu GÜNGÖR; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Psikoloji Bölümü
Despite the existence of several cognitive influences, metacognitive factors on eating and satiation still remain unclear. Therefore, we investigated a relatively recent metacognitive regulation approach and its measurement method in a lab-experiment.Participants (N=216) were shownphotografsof varying portions of common lunch foods (selected after a separate study, N=94) and asked to makepredicted judgmentsof satiation (JOS) for each via considering their actual hunger levels and whilst imagining other bodily states (e.g., extremely hungry and completely full). Differencescalculated between observed-JOS and their reference scores -thosepresumed to yield accurate matches for the cases-produced either deviances or none at all (discordant-or concordant-JOS). Hungry-group yielded significantly lower concordant-JOS percentage than full-group regardless of portion size, indicating a clearercognitive tendency to lose control over consumption when being hungry than satiated. Critically, full-group could notimagine extreme hunger as hungry-group whereas hungry-group imagined complete fullness just as full-group did, suggesting that whilst hunger was not an obstacle to imagine fullness,fullness hindered the ability to imagine hunger. These findingssuggestthathunger and fullness mightnotbe the polar opposites on the very same dimension, which would, for instance,reveal a need to revisit the treatments of eating disorders accordingly.
Does Islamic inclusion of Syrians represent a real challenge to Europe's security approach?: Dilemmas of the AKP's Syrian refugee discourse
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2020) Balkilic, Ozgur; Teke Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
Drawing upon the critical geopolitics literature and discourse analysis, this article will explain how the ruling AKP in Turkey fashioned an alternative, Islamically infused migration discourse in response to the Syrian refugee crisis and how it depicted this as counter-hegemonic to the dominant depictions of East and West embedded within Europe's existing securitization discourse. According to the AKP's geopolitical discourse, the differing attitudes evinced in Europe and Turkey toward the Syrian migrants can be explained by civilizational values deriving from the history and religious composition of the respective regions, as between the Orient and the Occident. However, this article examines to what extent this self-promoted discourse of Islamic inclusion has succeeded in engendering a more progressive settlement and integration regime. It argues that it has actually fostered its own system of 'Othering' and has led to the development of selective admission and exclusionary practices similar to those in Europe.

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