Siyasi bilimler ve Uluslararası İlişkiler / Political Science and International Relations

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12573/212

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A participatory generation? The generational and social class bases of political activism in Turkey
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2017) Inan, Murat; Grasso, Maria T.; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü;
This research aims to understand the extent to which generation and social class determine Turkish respondents' level of political activism. It tests both the macroeconomic socialization effect and the social class effect on political activism as hypothesized by Inglehart and Lipset, respectively. It also strives to understand whether a macropolitical period effect may also some generational implications for political activism. Beyond these examinations, it also raises a challenge to Lipset's working-class authoritarianism thesis - within the particular area of political activism - for those generations which came of age under an authoritarian politico-juridical order as well as for those which did not.
Beyond Illegality: The Gendered (In-)Securities of Illegal Armenian Care Workers in Turkey
(Ankara Üniversitesi KASAUM, 2018) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
In the migration literature, there has been a shift of interest from studying exclusionary policies ofstates that result in the criminalization of ‘illegal’ migrants towards more subtle forms of incorporation.In this paper, I will examine such as migration regime imposed upon illegal Armenian migrant careworkers, which is characterized by the conditional acceptance of illegality rather than by strictpunishments and deportation. Within this context, Armenian migrant care workers are caught in a legallimbo of belonging and non-belonging. The paper argues that the terms of belonging and nonbelongingare traversable normative-legal categories negotiated by everyday actors in a way that oftencrisscross gender and class hierarchies. Migrant women could become more acceptable if they complywith certain gendered expectations and norms of work while at the same time could easily becomedeportable. At the same time, this article demonstrates that this legal limbo increases the genderedvulnerabilities and labour precarity in women’s everyday lives.
FEMINIST ETHICS OF CARE AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR SOME NORMATIVE QUESTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
(Işıl BAYAR BRAVO/Hamdi BRAVO, 2018) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
This article reviews some of the contributions that the feminist ethics of care framework has made to the study of ethics. Although ethics of care framework has raised a successful critique of the masculunist bias inhering within the prominent Western moral theories, some feminist scholars have maintained a critical attitude towards care ethics because of its tendency to essentialize emotions of feminine caring. In reviewing these different feminist approaches to the study of ethics, the article argues that in thinking about the questions of war and justice in international realm, both care ethicists and its critique could be utilized for a more fruitful understanding of the ethical dimensions of our actions.
TÜRKİYE GÖÇ VE MÜLTECİ POLİTİKASININ DIŞ POLİTİKA EKSENİNDE DEĞERLENDİRİLMESİ: 2000-2017
(Rasim Özgür Dönmez, 2019) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
Makalenin amacı, 2000-2017 yılları arasında Türkiye’nindeğişen göç ve mülteci politikasını dış politikanın birizdüşümü olarak değerlendirmektir. Makalenin argümanı,Türkiye’nin göç ve mülteci politikası 2000-2011 tarihleriarasında Avrupa Birliği (AB)’ne üyelik modeline çerçevesindedönüştüğü iken, 2011-2017 arası göç politikası/söylemindekidönüşümüm temel hedefi Avrupa ve Ortadoğu’da siyasimanevra alanını genişletmek olmuştur. Buna ilaveten, budönemde Türkiye’nin dış politikada yaşadığı süreciAvrupalılaşma (Europeanization) ve Avrupa’dan uzaklaşma(de-Europeanization) olarak değerlendirir. Avrupalılaşmaolarak tanımlanabilecek, 2000-2011’i kapsayan dönemdeTürkiye, AB’nin ‘güvenlikçi’ sınır politikalarına bazen adapteolmuş, bazen ise AB’nin eleştirilerine rağmen ‘esnek’ göçpolitikasına devam etmiştir. Buradaki siyasi sürecin dinamiği,Türkiye’nin AB üyeliğine inancı doğrultusunda şekillenmiştir.2011 yılından itibaren ise, Avrupa’dan uzaklaşma dediğimizsürece girilmiş ve Ahmet Davutoğlu’nun Ortadoğu’da hamilikiddiası ve AB ile bozulan ilişkiler çerçevesinde göç politikası farklılaşmıştır. Sonuç olarak, AB üyeliği girişimleri, ikiliilişkilerdeki gerilimler yüzünden sekteye uğramış ve reformlaraskıya alınmıştır. Suriye göçmen krizi ise, uluslararasısiyasetteki dengeleri değiştirerek, AB’yi Türkiye ile yenidenişbirliği kurmaya mecbur bırakmıştır.
TWO DIMENSIONS OF INTERPERSONAL TOLERANCE: THEIR PREVALENCE AND ETIOLOGY IN WORLD CIVILIZATIONS
(Rasim Özgür Dönmez, 2019) İnan, Murat; 0000-0001-7554-6217; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; İnan, Murat
This research provides three additional insights into the concept of tolerance. First, it provides empirical insights to the previous research, distinguishing between two dimensions of tolerance; political tolerance and social tolerance. Second, it investigates the extent these two dimensions of tolerance prevail in different civilizations in the world. Third, it shows how etiology of tolerance differs across civilizations. In short, this research shows that tolerance of national and religious groups differs from tolerance of social groups in both kind and degree and investigates to what extent the prevalence and etiology of these two dimensions of tolerance differ across civilizations. In this research time series evidence from subsequent rounds of the World Values Survey (WVS) for over seventy countries are analysed using Ordered Probit models.
Dayım: Bir İnsanoğlunun Portresi
(TURKISH LIBRARIANS ASSOC, YENISEHIR, NECATIBEY CAD, ELGIN SOK, PO BOX 175, ANKARA, 06440, TURKEY, 2019) Donmez, Rasim Ozgur; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Donmez, Rasim Ozgur
This is a memoir written by his nephew about our colleague Ali Can, who passed away in last July.
Party-voter congruence in Turkish politics: the ivory tower argument tested
(Routledge, 2020) Inan M.; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
‘Ivory tower’ is frequently used phrase when Turkish executive politicians question the representativeness of other parties or their members. The intention of this claim is to provoke other parties into a discussion about the legitimacy of the targeted party. This research aims to shed a light on the problem of party-voter congruence in Turkish politics, which has important implications for the representativeness of Turkish political parties. Comparing the three major political parties in Turkey; the current study investigates to what extent these political parties’ manifesto documents, fail to connect with their constituencies’ policy positions on four prominent issues in Turkish politics: Left-right political positioning, democratic support, support for the military, and support for a controlled economy. Party level Manifesto Project data and aggregated individual level World Values Survey (WVS) data were combined for the analysis of this research and analysed by using a series of Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis. The findings suggest that the ivory tower claim is largely correct for all three political parties investigated. Finally, these findings also have important implications for the legitimacy of the Turkish democratic political system.
New Perspectives on Turkey roundtable on the COVID-19 pandemic : prospects for the international political economic order in the post-pandemic world
(CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS, EDINBURGH BLDG, SHAFTESBURY RD, CB2 8RU CAMBRIDGE, ENGLAND, 2020) Dincer, Evren M.; Pamuk, Sevket; Palat, Ravi Arvind; Keyder, Caglar; Gurkaynak, Refet; Bugra, Ayse; 0000-0002-7813-0919; 0000-0002-7796-2836; 0000-0003-4266-7463; 0000-0002-8842-2341; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
The pandemic triggered by the novel coronavirus has not only created a global public health emergency, it has also had widespread and deep consequences in social relations throughout the world. The COVID-19 pandemic forces social scientists to reflect on a range of issues from gender relations and science and technology to the international political and economic order and the environment. As the editors of New Perspectives on Turkey, we decided to assemble a virtual roundtable to reflect on the challenges it poses to the international political economic system. We invited professors Ayşe Bugra, Refet ˘ Gürkaynak, Çaglar Keyder, Ravi Arvind Palat, and ¸ ˘ Sevket Pamuk to share their views on these challenges and are grateful to them for contributing to this discussion.
The Nexus of Leadership, Political Empowerment, and Social Mobilization: The Case of the July 15 Coup Attempt in Turkey
(SETA FOUNDATION, RESIT GALIP CADDESI HEREKE SOKAK NO 10, GOP-CANKAYA, ANKARA, 06700, TURKEY, 2020) Donmez, Rasim Ozgur; Timur, Kasim; Lloyd, Fatma Armagan Teke; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
This study analyzes the mutually empowering relations between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his followers, and how Erdogan's charismatic leadership and image functioned to galvanize his followers on the night of July 15, 2016, when large numbers of them mobilized against the attempted coup. The article has three sections. The first is a theoretical discussion which sheds light on the concept and the underlying mechanisms of political empowerment and its effects on the relationships between leaders and followers. The second section evaluates Erdogan's characteristics and ruling style, which was instrumental in motivating resistance to the abortive coup. Finally, the third section analyzes the various means by which Erdogan was able to inspire the masses to mobilize against the armed junta through interviews and observations.
Mincing Words: The Three Layers of the AKP's Narrative on Kurdish Politics
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2020) Celebi, Mehmet Celil; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
In 2009-2015, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) put forward several initiatives to end insurgency in Kurdish majority areas. However, successive "openings" failed to make progress. The electoral and international goals of the AKP gradually became incongruent with the peace process, and the AKP espoused heavy-handed tactics in July 2015. The ups and downs of the process in 2009-2015 show that it was already fragile. Some causes of this fragility were external to the AKP, such as the opposition parties' eagerness to use the process to poach nationalist voters and the PKK's violence. However, I argue that the contradictory nature of the AKP's narrative was also a crucial factor. The party's earlier narrative required the strict separation of two layers: security policies to fight terrorists and democratization policies to address the legitimate grievances of citizens. However, the intersubjective strategies that it experimented later required a gray area between these two fields. The AKP, instead of changing strategies, has constructed a three-layered, contradictory narrative.
Reproducing 'popular' empire: Production, consumption and bodily labour in 'America the Gift Shop'
(Taylor and Francis Inc., 2020) Lloyd A.T.; Jurgutis J.; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
Reproducing 'popular' empire: Production, consumption and bodily labour in 'America the Gift Shop'
ULUSLARARASI HUKUKTA ÇÖZÜM MEKANİZMALARI VE ULUSLARARASI HUKUKTA UYGUNLUĞUN SAĞLANMASI MEKANİZMALARI: KARŞILAŞTIRMALI BİR ANALİZ
(Kırklareli Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi, 2021) Bora AKİNCE; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
Uluslararası hukukun temel kaynaklarından bir tanesi devletler arasında imzalanan uluslararası antlaşmalardır. Devletler kendi aralarındaki antlaşmalara ahde vefa ilkesi gereği genellikle uyma eğilimi göstermektedirler. Ancak devletlerin kendi aralarında imzaladıkları antlaşmalara zaman zaman uymadıkları da görülmektedir. Anarşik bir uluslararası sistemde devletler arasında uyuşmazlıklar çok sık görülmektedir. Devletler çıkarlarına ters düştükleri durumlarda ister istemez farklı devletler ile uyuşmazlığa taraf olabilmektedirler. Uyuşmazlıkların çözümü için uluslararası hukukta barışçıl çözüm ve yargısal çözüm olmak üzere iki çözüm yolu bulunmaktadır. Yargısal çözüm devletlerin ancak yargı yetkisini kabul ettikleri bir mahkeme veya tahkim ile mümkün olabilmektedir. Barışçıl çözüm yolları Birleşmiş Milletler Antlaşmasının 33. Maddesinde belirtilmiştir. Bu çözüm yollar görüşme, soruşturma, arabuluculuk, uzlaşma, hakemlik ve yargısal çözümdür. Bunun yanında bazı uluslararası antlaşmalar kendi yargısal çözüm mekanizmalarını da oluşturmuştur. 1982 Birleşmiş Milletler Deniz Hukuku Sözleşmesi, Avrupa Birliği’nin yargı organları bu alanda verilebilecek başlıca örneklerdir. Bu çalışmada barışçıl ve yargısal yoldan anlaşmazlıkların çözümü ile uluslararası hukukta uygunluğun sağlanması mekanizmaları karşılaştırılacaktır.
Voter Religiosity Promoting Party-Voter Congruence on the ‘Super Issue’ in Turkey
(2021) İNAN Murat; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; İNAN, Murat
This research was set out to explore empirically party-voter congruence on the ‘super issue’ of Left-Right (L-R) ideological positioning from a responsiveness perspective in Turkey. It aims to reveal the extent political parties respond to voters’ movement in the ideological spectrum and the role of voter religiosity in determining the magnitude of this response. This research covers a period exceeding half a century consisting past eighteen general elections held between 1950 and 2018. It combines party-level and individual-level data acquired from Manifesto Project (MP) and World Values Survey (WVS) datasets respectively. Findings suggest that voter religiosity plays an important role in maintaining party-voter ideological correspondence in Turkey. The level of voter religiosity determines the extent political parties align themselves with their own voters’ ideological preference as well as dealign themselves from that of the most voted rival political party voters.
Türkiye'de Çevre Alanında Çalışan STK'lar Karşılaştırmalı Bir Analiz
(Seçkin Yayıncılık, 2021) Bora AKİNCE; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
Türkiye'de Çevre Alanında Çalışan STK'lar Karşılaştırmalı Bir Analiz,
Tracing Trajectories of Regime Support in Turkey
(EGE UNIV, FAC ECONOMICS & ADMIN SCIENCESDEPT BUSINESS ADMIN, BORNOVA, 35100, TURKEY, 2022) Inan, Murat; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; İnan, Murat
According to the legitimacy approach of political culture research, public’s approval of a particular regime as the best form of government and rejection of its alternatives provides public support for that particular regime. This research attempted to trace temporal trajectories of approval of democratic political system as well as it’s three alternative forms of government among the electorates of recent three major political parties in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). It also revealed the extent these parties’ manifesto documents praise democratic political system across the successive eighteen general elections in the modern Turkish political history. It revealed the changes in both public and party support for four alternative regimes across years in modern Turkish history. This research analyzed the World Values Survey and the Manifesto Project data using quantitative research methods. It has achieved four main findings. First, voters are more stable than their parties across time in terms of pro-democracy. Second, democracy clearly emerges as the strongest alternative among the four alternative regimes for all the three electorates. Third, supporting democracy and rejecting its three alternatives occupy different places in the minds of the three party electorates. Fourth, changes in the three political parties’ pro-democracy as identified in their manifesto documents are not always parallel with changes in those of their voters.
A Long-Term View of Refugee Flows from Ukraine: War, Insecurities, and Migration
(TRANSNATIONAL PRESS LONDON12 RIDGEWAY GARDENS, LONDON N6 5XR, ENGLAND, 2022) Teke Lloyd, Armagan; Sirkeci, Ibrahim; 0000-0001-5439-439X; 0000-0002-2334-7424; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke Lloyd, Armağan
This article examines the exodus of migrants from Ukraine in the context of the Russian invasion, making use of the conflict model of migration. We argue that Ukraine has long been characterized by insecurities which have already fueled large waves of emigration from the country. Indeed, the most recent phase of Ukrainian emigration should be seen as a continuation of the ongoing tendency of people residing in the country to seek escape from the overarching conditions of insecurity there. Earlier migrations from Ukraine have also established a culture of migration which has mediated the outflow of Ukrainians during the current crisis. Ukrainians who had already harboured inclinations to leave the country and who were possessed of the necessary capabilities (i.e. social capital, financial capital, human capital and physical ability) became mobile at the onset of the invasion in February, while many others were left behind. At the same time, the welcoming attitude of many European states has been key to the fast and safe exodus of Ukrainian migrants thus far.
COVID-19 UZAKTAN EĞİTİM SÜRECİNDE ÖNE ÇIKAN FAKTÖRLER: BİR DEVLET ÜNİVERSİTESİ ÖRNEĞİ
(Trakya Üniversitesi, 2022) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; Türk, Umut; Bengü, Elif; 0000-0001-5439-439X; 0000-0002-8440-7048; 0000-0001-9817-7207; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; Türk, Umut; Bengü, Elif
Uzaktan eğitim uygulamaları üzerine Türkiye’nin ve diğer ülkelerin deneyimi oldukça köklüdür; fakat, COVID-19 dönemindeki uzaktan eğitim, tam hazırlık yapılamadan örgün eğitimin tamamen yerini aldığı bir süreç olmuştur. Bu çalışma, Anadolu’da acil uzaktan eğitim sürecini görece başarılı yöneten bir devlet üniversitesinde yürütülmüştür. Çalışmanın amacı COVID-19 uzaktan eğitim sürecinde öğrencilerin deneyimlerini etkileyen sosyo-ekonomik faktörler ile birlikte öğrencilerin uzaktan eğitim sürecine dair algılarını, zorlandıkları ve/veya olumlu buldukları yönleri tespit etmeyi amaçlamıştır. Makalenin bir diğer önemli çıktısı da uzaktan eğitim sürecinde öğrencilerin motivasyonu ve başarısında fark yaratan sosyo-ekonomik ve toplumsal cinsiyet temelli faktörler olmuştur. Araştırmada 484 öğrenci ile anket ve 3 adet odak grup çalışması yapılmış, sonuçlar tanımlayıcı şekilde makalede paylaşılmıştır. Sonuçların, acil uzaktan öğrenme dönemine görece olarak hazırlıksız yakalanan yükseköğrenim kurumlarına, öğrenci algısını ve deneyimini anlamaları açısından bir kaynak olması beklenmektedir. Aynı zamanda, çalışma ile uzaktan eğitimde ‘hassas/kırılgan’ öğrenci gruplarının tespitinin yapılması ve uzaktan eğitim sürecinde öğrencileri etkileyen sosyoekonomik eşitsizliklerin ortaya konması amaçlanmaktadır.
Social mobility and pro-government mobilization: the case of July 15th pro-government mobilization in Turkey
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2022) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; Turk, Umut; Ozgur Donmez, Rasim; 0000-0001-5439-439X; 0000-0002-8440-7048; 0000-0002-9001-2990; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; Turk, Umut; Ozgur Donmez, Rasim
What are the economic determinants of pro-government mobilizations? While recent studies have contributed to our understanding of the relationship between a defined set of economic variables and political unrest – including revolts, riots, and uprisings against the status quo – there has been relatively little attempt to understand how these models might apply to demonstrations in support of the existing regime, which remain an understudied phenomenon within the literature. The coup attempt, which took place in Turkey on 15 July 2016 and was organized by a religious movement within the Turkish military, led to widespread public protests which ultimately succeeded in overcoming the threat. This case affords us a valuable opportunity to study the phenomenon of pro-government mobilization and its political and economic underpinnings. By applying the theoretical contributions of the already well-established literature on social mobility, we argue that higher earnings, economic equality and social mobility will foster a greater likelihood of mass mobilizations in support of the regime. Our study contributes to the literature theoretically by extending the scope of the existing theories on mass mobilization and empirically by examining a rare case of pro-government mobilization in Turkey by using individual and regional level datasets.
People’s Republic of China
(SPRINGER, 2022) Alsancak, İbrahim; Aydın, Güldenur; Islam, Md. Nazmul; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Alsancak, İbrahim
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established on October 1, 1949, and it is governed by a single-party system, The Communist Party of China (CCP). The president is also the Chinese Communist Party’s leader. The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) new Constitution was approved in 1982. The Presidency of the People’s Republic of China, the State Council, the Central Military Commission, the National People’s Congress, the Political Consultative Conference of the People of China, the Supreme Court, and the Attorney General are the central organs of the state. Although PRC does not define itself as a federal state, it has five autonomous regions, territories, counties, rural towns, and it has created some constitutional governance understanding for these local governments. NGOs are recently developing in China. China is also leading country about artificial intelligence and high techs.
Migration
(Emerald Group Publishing Ltd., 2022) Sirkeci, Ibrahim; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
Migration

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