Siyasi bilimler ve Uluslararası İlişkiler / Political Science and International Relations

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12573/212

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Beyond Illegality: The Gendered (In-)Securities of Illegal Armenian Care Workers in Turkey
(Ankara Üniversitesi KASAUM, 2018) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
In the migration literature, there has been a shift of interest from studying exclusionary policies ofstates that result in the criminalization of ‘illegal’ migrants towards more subtle forms of incorporation.In this paper, I will examine such as migration regime imposed upon illegal Armenian migrant careworkers, which is characterized by the conditional acceptance of illegality rather than by strictpunishments and deportation. Within this context, Armenian migrant care workers are caught in a legallimbo of belonging and non-belonging. The paper argues that the terms of belonging and nonbelongingare traversable normative-legal categories negotiated by everyday actors in a way that oftencrisscross gender and class hierarchies. Migrant women could become more acceptable if they complywith certain gendered expectations and norms of work while at the same time could easily becomedeportable. At the same time, this article demonstrates that this legal limbo increases the genderedvulnerabilities and labour precarity in women’s everyday lives.
Determination of Factors Affecting International Students’ Satisfaction Levels Using CHAID Analysis
(Journal of University Research, 2024) Ayten, Asım Mustafa; Göver, İbrahim Hakan; 0000-0002-4464-6204; 0000-0002-1258-0124; AGÜ, Mimarlık Fakültesi, Mimarlık Bölümü; Ayten, Asım Mustafa; Göver, İbrahim Hakan
Internationalization has recently been a core element for higher education institutions (HEIs) worldwide. Various components provide internationalization in HEIs. However, international students stand out from the others due to providing numerous benefits to host countries. Therefore, HEIs around the world seek to increase the number of international students and their satisfaction levels. This study, inspired from the importance of international students, seeks to determine the factors affecting the satisfaction levels of international students who study at a Turkish state university. To this end, an on-line survey consisting of 25 questions were administered to a total of 330 international students studying at Middle East Technical University (METU). Survey data were evaluated using the CHAID (Chi-Squared Automatic Interaction Detection) analysis. The findings of the analysis indicated that the international students’ implications, study degree and gender played a major role in their satisfaction levels. Considering these influential factors determined by the CHAID analysis will contribute to the internationalization strategies which is developed to attract more international students to HEIs.
FEMINIST ETHICS OF CARE AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR SOME NORMATIVE QUESTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
(Işıl BAYAR BRAVO/Hamdi BRAVO, 2018) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
This article reviews some of the contributions that the feminist ethics of care framework has made to the study of ethics. Although ethics of care framework has raised a successful critique of the masculunist bias inhering within the prominent Western moral theories, some feminist scholars have maintained a critical attitude towards care ethics because of its tendency to essentialize emotions of feminine caring. In reviewing these different feminist approaches to the study of ethics, the article argues that in thinking about the questions of war and justice in international realm, both care ethicists and its critique could be utilized for a more fruitful understanding of the ethical dimensions of our actions.
A gendered analysis of Palestinian refugee women's experiences of migration from Syria to Türkiye
(SAGE PUBLICATIONS LTD, 2024) Kurtoglu, Ayca; Llyod, Armagan Teke; Salimoglu, Zafer; 0000-0002-4827-3556; 0000-0001-5439-439X; /0000-0003-4623-7786; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Llyod, Armagan Teke
After the outbreak of the conflict in 2011, millions of people fled Syria across its borders. This gave way to a new category of people, "Syrian refugees." While this categorical understanding constitutes the basis for legal entitlements, it homogenizes all fleeing Syria and results in concealing the differential experiences and vulnerabilities of particular groups. The paper challenges this blanket categorization by focusing on the migration experiences of Palestinian women from Syria to Turkiye around the concepts of biological and social reproduction which represent the largely neglected aspects concerning the process of forced migration. By drawing on six women's experiences, the paper concludes that the homogeneity of the Syrian migrants is an illusion; women's migrations are shaped through their gendered and ethnic history; and women face gender-specific challenges and opportunities in both home and host countries. We particularly argue that policies on border control and migrant's integration fail to consider the subjective conditions and needs of particular groups within the Syrian migrants.
A Long-Term View of Refugee Flows from Ukraine: War, Insecurities, and Migration
(TRANSNATIONAL PRESS LONDON12 RIDGEWAY GARDENS, LONDON N6 5XR, ENGLAND, 2022) Teke Lloyd, Armagan; Sirkeci, Ibrahim; 0000-0001-5439-439X; 0000-0002-2334-7424; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke Lloyd, Armağan
This article examines the exodus of migrants from Ukraine in the context of the Russian invasion, making use of the conflict model of migration. We argue that Ukraine has long been characterized by insecurities which have already fueled large waves of emigration from the country. Indeed, the most recent phase of Ukrainian emigration should be seen as a continuation of the ongoing tendency of people residing in the country to seek escape from the overarching conditions of insecurity there. Earlier migrations from Ukraine have also established a culture of migration which has mediated the outflow of Ukrainians during the current crisis. Ukrainians who had already harboured inclinations to leave the country and who were possessed of the necessary capabilities (i.e. social capital, financial capital, human capital and physical ability) became mobile at the onset of the invasion in February, while many others were left behind. At the same time, the welcoming attitude of many European states has been key to the fast and safe exodus of Ukrainian migrants thus far.
Migration
(Emerald Group Publishing Ltd., 2022) Sirkeci, Ibrahim; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; 0000-0001-5439-439X; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan
Migration
Mincing Words: The Three Layers of the AKP's Narrative on Kurdish Politics
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2020) Celebi, Mehmet Celil; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
In 2009-2015, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) put forward several initiatives to end insurgency in Kurdish majority areas. However, successive "openings" failed to make progress. The electoral and international goals of the AKP gradually became incongruent with the peace process, and the AKP espoused heavy-handed tactics in July 2015. The ups and downs of the process in 2009-2015 show that it was already fragile. Some causes of this fragility were external to the AKP, such as the opposition parties' eagerness to use the process to poach nationalist voters and the PKK's violence. However, I argue that the contradictory nature of the AKP's narrative was also a crucial factor. The party's earlier narrative required the strict separation of two layers: security policies to fight terrorists and democratization policies to address the legitimate grievances of citizens. However, the intersubjective strategies that it experimented later required a gray area between these two fields. The AKP, instead of changing strategies, has constructed a three-layered, contradictory narrative.
New Perspectives on Turkey roundtable on the COVID-19 pandemic : prospects for the international political economic order in the post-pandemic world
(CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS, EDINBURGH BLDG, SHAFTESBURY RD, CB2 8RU CAMBRIDGE, ENGLAND, 2020) Dincer, Evren M.; Pamuk, Sevket; Palat, Ravi Arvind; Keyder, Caglar; Gurkaynak, Refet; Bugra, Ayse; 0000-0002-7813-0919; 0000-0002-7796-2836; 0000-0003-4266-7463; 0000-0002-8842-2341; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
The pandemic triggered by the novel coronavirus has not only created a global public health emergency, it has also had widespread and deep consequences in social relations throughout the world. The COVID-19 pandemic forces social scientists to reflect on a range of issues from gender relations and science and technology to the international political and economic order and the environment. As the editors of New Perspectives on Turkey, we decided to assemble a virtual roundtable to reflect on the challenges it poses to the international political economic system. We invited professors Ayşe Bugra, Refet ˘ Gürkaynak, Çaglar Keyder, Ravi Arvind Palat, and ¸ ˘ Sevket Pamuk to share their views on these challenges and are grateful to them for contributing to this discussion.
The Nexus of Leadership, Political Empowerment, and Social Mobilization: The Case of the July 15 Coup Attempt in Turkey
(SETA FOUNDATION, RESIT GALIP CADDESI HEREKE SOKAK NO 10, GOP-CANKAYA, ANKARA, 06700, TURKEY, 2020) Donmez, Rasim Ozgur; Timur, Kasim; Lloyd, Fatma Armagan Teke; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
This study analyzes the mutually empowering relations between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his followers, and how Erdogan's charismatic leadership and image functioned to galvanize his followers on the night of July 15, 2016, when large numbers of them mobilized against the attempted coup. The article has three sections. The first is a theoretical discussion which sheds light on the concept and the underlying mechanisms of political empowerment and its effects on the relationships between leaders and followers. The second section evaluates Erdogan's characteristics and ruling style, which was instrumental in motivating resistance to the abortive coup. Finally, the third section analyzes the various means by which Erdogan was able to inspire the masses to mobilize against the armed junta through interviews and observations.
No Strings Attached: Understanding Turkey’s Arms Exports to Africa
(Routledge, 2024) Kurç, Çağlar; 0000-0001-6191-1834; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Kurç, Çağlar
Turkey’s defence industries have shown significant development in recent years. But the limited domestic market and the financial crisis created sustainability problems for the industry. To increase its arms sales, Turkey began to search for potential markets to expand, and Africa emerged as an excellent market to enter. Turkey had already invested in Africa through its multi-track diplomacy, a necessary condition for arms sales. While the multi-track diplomacy and increased engagement helped Turkey’s arms exports, they are insufficient to explain the recent rise of Turkish arms exports, which have been showing an upward trend since 2021. This paper argues that the increase in arms exports is the function of multi- track diplomacy, no-strings-attached arms export policy and the demonstration effect.
A participatory generation? The generational and social class bases of political activism in Turkey
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2017) Inan, Murat; Grasso, Maria T.; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü;
This research aims to understand the extent to which generation and social class determine Turkish respondents' level of political activism. It tests both the macroeconomic socialization effect and the social class effect on political activism as hypothesized by Inglehart and Lipset, respectively. It also strives to understand whether a macropolitical period effect may also some generational implications for political activism. Beyond these examinations, it also raises a challenge to Lipset's working-class authoritarianism thesis - within the particular area of political activism - for those generations which came of age under an authoritarian politico-juridical order as well as for those which did not.
Party-voter congruence in Turkish politics: the ivory tower argument tested
(Routledge, 2020) Inan M.; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
‘Ivory tower’ is frequently used phrase when Turkish executive politicians question the representativeness of other parties or their members. The intention of this claim is to provoke other parties into a discussion about the legitimacy of the targeted party. This research aims to shed a light on the problem of party-voter congruence in Turkish politics, which has important implications for the representativeness of Turkish political parties. Comparing the three major political parties in Turkey; the current study investigates to what extent these political parties’ manifesto documents, fail to connect with their constituencies’ policy positions on four prominent issues in Turkish politics: Left-right political positioning, democratic support, support for the military, and support for a controlled economy. Party level Manifesto Project data and aggregated individual level World Values Survey (WVS) data were combined for the analysis of this research and analysed by using a series of Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis. The findings suggest that the ivory tower claim is largely correct for all three political parties investigated. Finally, these findings also have important implications for the legitimacy of the Turkish democratic political system.
People’s Republic of China
(SPRINGER, 2022) Alsancak, İbrahim; Aydın, Güldenur; Islam, Md. Nazmul; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Alsancak, İbrahim
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established on October 1, 1949, and it is governed by a single-party system, The Communist Party of China (CCP). The president is also the Chinese Communist Party’s leader. The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) new Constitution was approved in 1982. The Presidency of the People’s Republic of China, the State Council, the Central Military Commission, the National People’s Congress, the Political Consultative Conference of the People of China, the Supreme Court, and the Attorney General are the central organs of the state. Although PRC does not define itself as a federal state, it has five autonomous regions, territories, counties, rural towns, and it has created some constitutional governance understanding for these local governments. NGOs are recently developing in China. China is also leading country about artificial intelligence and high techs.
Proximity or Directional Model of Voting for the Turkish Voter?
(HİTİT ÜNİVERSİTESİ, 2024) İnan, Murat; Arıkan Akdağ, Gül; 0000-0001-7554-6217; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; İnan, Murat
Voting behavior is a very complex type of political behavior. Therefore, understanding why voters vote for a particular political party or a candidate requires developing complex models. In 1957, Anthony Downs, who built his model on Hottelings’ and Smithies’ models, argued that political parties’ and candidates’ ideological and issue positions can be expressed on a one-dimensional space. On one hand, it was highly reductionist to argue that political ideas on a particular issue can be expressed this way, on the other, it was highly practical from analytical point of view. Locating parties, candidates and voters on a one-dimensional space according to their ideological or issue positions was then a revolutionaly idea and helped comparing party, candidate and voter ideological and issue positions within and across countries. These models, which were called spatial models of party competition were further developed over time and helped understanding voting behavior. Currently, spatial models of party competition have two major competing models linking voter ideological positions with party ideological positions. Simply, while the proximity model proposes that voters vote for the parties or candidates that hold ideological positions in the political space that are closest to their own, the directional model suggests that the voters vote for the parties or candidates that are on their side of the two-dimensional political spectrum and more extreme than their own while being within the acceptability region. This research aims to test the applicability of these two voting models for the Turkish voter. Türkiye constitutes an interesting case study with its long-term PR electoral system as it was suggested in the extant literature that proximity model is a more appropriate tool to explain voting behavior in Proportional (PR) systems. Thus, we hypothesize that in Türkiye, where a PR electoral system is in effect for parliamentary elections, voter electoral preferences are better explained by the proximity model than the directional model. Our research analyzes Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) data for voters of the four major political parties in Türkiye, the Justice and Development Party (JDP), the Republican People’s Party (RPP), the National Action Party (NAP), and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). A series of Multiple Linear Regression Analyses were conducted to reveal associations between the dependent and the independent variables. Voter embracement, as expressed as like-dislike of each political party for each voter, is seperately used as the dependent variable for each analysis. Issue distance and issue scalar product were used as key independent variables representing the formulas for the proximity and the directional models, respectively. Additionally, education, age, gender and income were recruited as classical control variables. Comparing explanatory powers of the statistical models showed that, contrary to the findings of MacDonald and his colleagues, the proximity model of voting is a more appropriate tool than the directional model to explain voting behavior in Türkiye. From a macro-political perspective, this finding supports Westholm’s (1997) argument that the PR provides a more appropriate tool to explain voting behavior in PR systems. Yet, it should be noted that further multi-country comperative analyses required for certain results.
Reproducing 'popular' empire: Production, consumption and bodily labour in 'America the Gift Shop'
(Taylor and Francis Inc., 2020) Lloyd A.T.; Jurgutis J.; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü
Reproducing 'popular' empire: Production, consumption and bodily labour in 'America the Gift Shop'
Social mobility and pro-government mobilization: the case of July 15th pro-government mobilization in Turkey
(ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD2-4 PARK SQUARE, MILTON PARK, ABINGDON OX14 4RN, OXON, ENGLAND, 2022) Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; Turk, Umut; Ozgur Donmez, Rasim; 0000-0001-5439-439X; 0000-0002-8440-7048; 0000-0002-9001-2990; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; Teke-Lloyd, Fatma Armagan; Turk, Umut; Ozgur Donmez, Rasim
What are the economic determinants of pro-government mobilizations? While recent studies have contributed to our understanding of the relationship between a defined set of economic variables and political unrest – including revolts, riots, and uprisings against the status quo – there has been relatively little attempt to understand how these models might apply to demonstrations in support of the existing regime, which remain an understudied phenomenon within the literature. The coup attempt, which took place in Turkey on 15 July 2016 and was organized by a religious movement within the Turkish military, led to widespread public protests which ultimately succeeded in overcoming the threat. This case affords us a valuable opportunity to study the phenomenon of pro-government mobilization and its political and economic underpinnings. By applying the theoretical contributions of the already well-established literature on social mobility, we argue that higher earnings, economic equality and social mobility will foster a greater likelihood of mass mobilizations in support of the regime. Our study contributes to the literature theoretically by extending the scope of the existing theories on mass mobilization and empirically by examining a rare case of pro-government mobilization in Turkey by using individual and regional level datasets.
Tracing Trajectories of Regime Support in Turkey
(EGE UNIV, FAC ECONOMICS & ADMIN SCIENCESDEPT BUSINESS ADMIN, BORNOVA, 35100, TURKEY, 2022) Inan, Murat; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; İnan, Murat
According to the legitimacy approach of political culture research, public’s approval of a particular regime as the best form of government and rejection of its alternatives provides public support for that particular regime. This research attempted to trace temporal trajectories of approval of democratic political system as well as it’s three alternative forms of government among the electorates of recent three major political parties in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). It also revealed the extent these parties’ manifesto documents praise democratic political system across the successive eighteen general elections in the modern Turkish political history. It revealed the changes in both public and party support for four alternative regimes across years in modern Turkish history. This research analyzed the World Values Survey and the Manifesto Project data using quantitative research methods. It has achieved four main findings. First, voters are more stable than their parties across time in terms of pro-democracy. Second, democracy clearly emerges as the strongest alternative among the four alternative regimes for all the three electorates. Third, supporting democracy and rejecting its three alternatives occupy different places in the minds of the three party electorates. Fourth, changes in the three political parties’ pro-democracy as identified in their manifesto documents are not always parallel with changes in those of their voters.
TWO DIMENSIONS OF INTERPERSONAL TOLERANCE: THEIR PREVALENCE AND ETIOLOGY IN WORLD CIVILIZATIONS
(Rasim Özgür Dönmez, 2019) İnan, Murat; 0000-0001-7554-6217; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; İnan, Murat
This research provides three additional insights into the concept of tolerance. First, it provides empirical insights to the previous research, distinguishing between two dimensions of tolerance; political tolerance and social tolerance. Second, it investigates the extent these two dimensions of tolerance prevail in different civilizations in the world. Third, it shows how etiology of tolerance differs across civilizations. In short, this research shows that tolerance of national and religious groups differs from tolerance of social groups in both kind and degree and investigates to what extent the prevalence and etiology of these two dimensions of tolerance differ across civilizations. In this research time series evidence from subsequent rounds of the World Values Survey (WVS) for over seventy countries are analysed using Ordered Probit models.
Voter Religiosity Promoting Party-Voter Congruence on the ‘Super Issue’ in Turkey
(2021) İNAN Murat; AGÜ, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü; İNAN, Murat
This research was set out to explore empirically party-voter congruence on the ‘super issue’ of Left-Right (L-R) ideological positioning from a responsiveness perspective in Turkey. It aims to reveal the extent political parties respond to voters’ movement in the ideological spectrum and the role of voter religiosity in determining the magnitude of this response. This research covers a period exceeding half a century consisting past eighteen general elections held between 1950 and 2018. It combines party-level and individual-level data acquired from Manifesto Project (MP) and World Values Survey (WVS) datasets respectively. Findings suggest that voter religiosity plays an important role in maintaining party-voter ideological correspondence in Turkey. The level of voter religiosity determines the extent political parties align themselves with their own voters’ ideological preference as well as dealign themselves from that of the most voted rival political party voters.

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